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On White Preferences
By Jay Rosner
The Nation
April 14, 2003
The Supreme Court will hear oral arguments in the University of Michigan
affirmative action cases on April 1. In these cases, the white complainants
argue that it is fundamentally unfair that Michigan accepts black applicants
with lower SAT scores (or LSAT scores at the law school) than some whites
who are rejected. But a new analysis of the SAT that I conducted reveals
something startling: every single question carefully preselected to appear
on the test favors whites over blacks. These data have the potential to
reframe the affirmative action debate, especially if they spark advocates to
ask the iconoclastic question, "What's wrong with admitting some black
students with lower SAT scores, when every question favors whites?"
On the October 1998 SAT, for example, every single one of the 138 questions
(60 math and 78 verbal) favored whites over blacks. By favoring whites, I
mean a higher percentage of white than black students answered correctly
every question prescreened and chosen to appear on that SAT. I call these
"white preference questions."
This is not a quirk on only one SAT form. SAT forms are designed to very
strongly correlate with one another. And the pattern I've identified is a
predictable result of the way the tests are constructed. Latino test-takers
are similarly affected, faring only a bit better than blacks.
I don't believe that ETS - the Educational Testing Service, the developer of
the SAT, and the source of this October 1998 test data - intended for the
SAT to be a white preference test. However, the "scientific" test
construction methods the company uses inexorably lead to this result. Each
individual SAT question ETS chooses is required to parallel the outcomes of
the test overall. So, if high-scoring test-takers - who are more likely to
be white - tend to answer the question correctly in pretesting, it's a
worthy SAT question; if not, it's thrown out. Race/ethnicity are not
considered explicitly, but racially disparate scores drive question
selection, which in turn reproduces disparate scores in an internally
reinforcing cycle.
Here's a verbal question that illustrates the SAT's skewed test construction
process:
The actor's bearing on stage seemed _____;
her movements were natural and her technique _____ .
(A) unremitting ... blasé
(B) fluid ... tentative
(C) unstudied ... uncontrived (correct answer)
(D) eclectic ... uniform
(E) grandiose ... controlled
This looks like a typical SAT verbal question. Yet this question differs
from others in one important respect: according to ETS, "8 percent more
African-Americans than whites answered this question correctly." I call
this a "black preference question." I don't know why blacks did better
here, but nearly all SAT questions capture something about race that can't
be determined until pretesting. Because it favored blacks, who score lower
on the test overall, this "actor's bearing" question, which was pretested by
ETS in 1998, did not favor high scorers and therefore was rejected for use
on the SAT. I have identified several other examples, including a black
preference SAT math question, that were rejected.
My considered hypothesis is that every question chosen to appear on every
SAT in the past ten years has favored whites over blacks. The same pattern
holds true on the LSAT and the other popular admissions tests, since they
are developed similarly. The SAT question selection process has never, to my
knowledge, been examined from this perspective. And the deeper one looks,
the worse things get. For example, while all the questions on the October
1998 SAT favored whites over blacks, approximately one-fifth showed huge 20
percent gaps favoring whites. Skewed question selection certainly
contributes to the large test score disparities between blacks and whites.
Supporters of affirmative action can take solace in the broad cross-section
of higher education, labor and business institutions that filed amicus
briefs favoring the University of Michigan in the Supreme Court cases. But
defenders of affirmative action in university admissions have shied away
from confronting the term "preferences" and from vigorously attacking the
assumption of test neutrality. It is essential that we document the plethora
of powerful white preferences throughout the admissions process, ranging
from disparities in family wealth and income to unequal K-12 education -
and, now we know, biases in SAT question selection. Affirmative action, at
the very back end of this entire process, serves as only a partial
corrective to the considerable white preferences preceding it.
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